- The leader principle
- The group principle
- The bully-victim game
- The colossal fraud
- Equality and justice
- A decent society
- The rule of law
- The Scouring of the Shire
What follows on this page, and the articles linked to on the left hand side of this website, are all extracts from the full, book-length, 87,000-word party manifesto.
This version is published as a paperback and can also be downloaded as an ebook. Go here to get hold of the book.
We have a nation riddled with inequality and injustice, in which a poor majority is lorded over by a corrupt rich minority, and the principles of law and human rights are trampled underfoot. Banking and finance, household bills and spending of tax money have all become matters of serious fraud. How have we come to this?
The answer is clear: Parliament is corrupt, and those who should be our representatives are our exploiters. The only reason why children live in poverty in our country today is because child abusers in government have forced them to. It is because of successive Conservative and New Labour governments that this vast number of British children are suffering. And the Liberal Democrats, who were supposed to be an alternative opposition to all this, have joined in, because being servants of the Conservatives gives them power, even if it only means power to abuse.
We have a parliamentary democracy, and can replace abusers simply by voting them out, and voting in decent people instead. But there’s a problem: we have a party-political parliamentary democracy, such that we cannot create a government of independent people’s representatives to replace the coherently organised and structured national parties of abuse. We have to vote in a coherently organised and structured national anti-abuse party. No such party has existed in recent years, which has given abusers free rein over us all. To end the abuse, we need to elect a decent party to government, and to do that we have to create that party ourselves.
They say that your vote is precious, because people fought hard so that you could have it. In fact, you have lost a meaningful vote, and the fight is back on. In later years, people may say of us that we fought hard to give them their precious vote. But only if we win the fight now.
Britain is in a lot of trouble, and unless we join together to change things it will all get a lot worse. But random protests will get us nowhere. The control and abuse of protesters increases the more people take to the streets in an unfocused, angry way. We need to have a national movement that is practical and well-managed, so as to arrive at the next election with a workable plan for change and the parliamentary candidates to replace the current corruption.
A NEW APPROACH
One reason why no-one is opposing the abuse in any organised way is that to do so effectively we need a national political movement with a worked-out approach concerning what to replace the abuse with. This can then give rise to a national political party which has a comprehensive policy framework in place, and which is able to win an election with the genuine backing of the majority of British people. But nobody has come up with that worked-out approach.
Traditionally in Britain the exploitation of the people of the nation by a rich and powerful elite was opposed by labour socialism – the so called ‘left wing’ that opposed the ‘right wing’ abuse. This itself was problematic. The idea that ‘capitalism’ is intrinsically abusive, and must be overthrown and replaced with ‘socialism’, is an argument from Karl Marx, and it has had a very unfortunate legacy, implying that our only two choices are abusive capitalist exploitation or Marxist labour socialism.
The extent that we don’t want either of these approaches was used by Tony Blair when he said that what he was offering Britain was a ‘third way’. Tony Blair was lying. What he was really offering was an intensification of Thatcherism together with the subordination of the UK to the corruption and violence of the USA’s political and military establishment. With the Liberals now subsumed into the Conservative party, Old Labour completely extinguished, and New Labour still Tony Blair’s gang, we all need and want something else to oppose the abuse with, but don’t want it to be Marxist-inspired old-fashioned labour socialism.
This has meant that while there is a united national desire to be rid of all the abusers and to replace them with something decent, there hasn’t been anything decent available and ready to replace the abuse with. There is no way to stop the abuse unless we elect a new decent party as the government. And to create a new decent party we need to have a real coherent approach to replacing the abuse. So without the coherent approach to putting together the structures and policies to have next, there’s no effective way of stopping the abuse, and we’ll get more of the same – only increasingly worse – for the rest of our lives and our children’s futures.
What we urgently have to do is to create this new approach, one that is able to replace abuse with decency across the country and across all areas of policy. And that’s what this manifesto is all about. It presents a new way of looking at society building, based on the principles of simple decency, but worked through with an understanding of humanity and what human wrongdoing consists of, and a practical approach to project-managing the development of a prosperous and contented country.
We need firstly to be clear about what’s wrong and what to do about it. But it’s important that we don’t come up with some sort of belief system. The imposition of an agenda based on belief (such as the belief in Marxist dogma) will always fail, because to solve a problem you have to think intelligently about that problem. No work of engineering has ever been created by means of believing in an agenda, but always by problem-solving in a sensibly managed way. Our new approach must do that too, by identifying the problems and intelligently working out the solutions.
The approach of the Equal and Just Society Party is based on a real understanding of humanity and what abuse and wrongdoing consist of, and the practicalities of law, human rights, democracy and principled government that we need to assert together to improve all aspects of our lives.
Dealing with all the areas of hurt in our land will mean building a vast database of these grievances, and committing to dealing with them all over a period of years as a major part of government policy. But we need to get to that place first. To do so will involve replacing the overall principles of abuse with the general principles of a decent society, and it’s that project that’s presented in this manifesto.
Two principles need to be understood clearly in order to see what’s going wrong in government, and in the misrule and exploitation of the nation. They are the leader principle, and the principle of the group.
Identifying these principles, formulating the principles of decency, and replacing the one set with the other, constitute one of the two major parts of the approach of the manifesto. They are explained and discussed in detail, followed by an analysis, demonstrating how the leader and group principles are being applied in Britain, that shows us the way forward in our project to replace abuse with a decent society.
The other major part of the approach concerns the rule of law and the principles of human rights. Law is a means to an end for those operating out of the leader and group principles, and has nothing to do with right and wrong. To oppose the misuse of government by abusers – people for whom legislation is a means of getting away with what they want to commit – we need an intelligent understanding of real human right and wrong, and a sensible application of this understanding in our guiding philosophy of law and rights, which will then underpin our society. The manifesto discusses this approach in detail, and puts forward a plan for ensuring ethical government in an ethical land.
BANKING AND FINANCE
The people of Britain have been deliberately impoverished in this land because of a thieving plutocracy. There should be no need for austerity cuts and struggle, with more than a trillion pounds of GDP every year. For decades, governments have spent as little of the country’s money on the country as possible, selling off the nation to private profit, closing down industry, creating a free-for-all money market and ensuring that their group gets all the profit.
All of Britain’s considerable prosperity has been funnelled into the laps of a few. But it’s our money. How can we get it back?
There are several different aspects of this that we need to deal with:
- The taking of the people’s money by the banks;
- The taking of the people’s money by the government to give to the banks to replace the money the banks have taken;
- The channelling of all business profits up to a small number of owners and directors;
- The deliberate allowing of tax avoidance by these owners and directors, so no profits ever re-enter the British monetary system;
- Government spending of tax money on war, and on private profit companies in all areas of life, including things that shouldn’t be for profit, like immigration control and health provision;
- The creation since Mrs. Thatcher’s policies in the 1980s of a state in which primary industry and manufacturing of goods have been closed down, while the financial City is to be increased beyond limit;
- No investment whatsoever in jobs, culture and infrastructure but instead constant government international trading in the arms and oil industries.
All these aspects of the swindling of the people by successive governments, banks and businesses since 1979 need to be addressed in a major, coherent policy framework for the reworking of finance, business, British industry, profit sharing and taxation. It’s not enough just to get angry with the banks and demand that they stop paying big bonuses when we’re going without: that’s just one symptom of a very diseased overall social structure that needs a thorough overhaul.
We will need to insist on the following:
The point of the management of money is not to make more money for its managers. It is to maximise the social benefits of the monetary system itself, so that it is the people whose money is being managed that see maximised benefits across and throughout their lives. Managers should be well-paid, but they must be forbidden by law to help themselves to any of the money they look after or any profits from it.
The people are in charge of their money, and the banking and finance industry is subject to the people, who can regulate the financiers however they want. Banking and finance is there to serve the people of the land, it is not a goal in itself.
All banks should be fully nationalised, so that no profits made on the people’s money go any longer to anyone but the people whose money is making the profit. The nationalised banking system can be privatised later when it has been restructured to prevent abuse, but that’s for the future: we need for now to bring the current fraudulent system to an end and take back control of our money.
The unregulated gambling game of derivatives trading and similar accumulation of virtual money is to be completely eradicated, so that no bank can ever play with and lose the money people put into their accounts ever again.
All money taken by bankers from the people’s accounts is to be given back. This means that any bonuses paid when the extra bonus money was not there in the bank’s finances are to be taken from those who received the bonuses and put back into the banks in the form of bonuses to the people who have accounts in that bank.
No-one is to escape taxation, by offshore accounting or any other swindle. A sensible top rate is to be set, and then everyone will pay it: no evasion shall be legal.
All money set aside by the government to underwrite the banking system will be freed up to spend on the country, as the system is no longer corrupt and doesn’t need a guarantor.
Taxation will be reworked so that all money that goes into the Treasury is openly and accountably managed for the people by their representatives: no Prime Minister can ever say ‘no, I’m going to spend it all on invasion and war, to the huge profit of arms companies’ for example.
That tax money will then be intelligently spent on such social urgencies as job creation, rebuilding Britain’s industries, affordable housing, reducing fuel bills, and all the other needs that the people have that the people will decide to spend their money on.
The most important thing that we can agree on to start with is that the money in the Treasury is ours. No-one has the right to take it and give it away – handing it over to the banks, for example, to replace our money that the bankers stole, or giving it to arms companies by buying new bombs to replace those we used up while launching unprovoked attacks on other people. It doesn’t belong to Chancellors and Prime Ministers. They are in positions of responsibility, and must behave responsibly. They don’t have power over us to control us and do what they want with our cash: that’s the leader principle, and we reject it.
Once we remove fraud, thieving and corruption, we will find that there’s lots of money there. We are not a third-world country without modern resources and infrastructure. Until recently Britain's GDP has been £1.3 trillion a year, with around 40% taken one way or another in tax, a sum of roughly £500 billion every year. There’s a lot of cash there to spend. But that relies on our prosperity as a nation. All of this so-called ‘austerity’ is closing down the country. The longer this approach continues, the more that GDP figure will drop, and the larger the cost of repairing the country will be. We need to effect these changes at the soonest possible moment: the next election.
GET THE FULL MANIFESTO
These extracts have been taken from the published book, which goes into considerable detail concerning banking and finance, employment and unemployment, foreign policy, war and peace, democracy, education, legal aid, housing, the NHS, and all of the other aspects of British society that need to be treated with the new approach of equality and justice.